Etiqueta: politics

Venezuela and the power politics regime

 

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The removal of Nicolás Maduro should be understood less as a dramatic intervention in Venezuela’s internal politics than as a calculated move within a wider contest between great powers. Stripped of its rhetorical framing, the action fits squarely into the logic of geopolitical competition at a time when relations between the United States, Russia, and China are increasingly defined by spheres of influence rather than universal norms. 
 
For years, Venezuela has occupied an anomalous position in the Western Hemisphere. Economically collapsed, diplomatically isolated, and heavily sanctioned, it nonetheless served as a useful foothold for U.S. rivals. Russia leveraged Caracas to project influence close to American territory, combining arms sales, energy cooperation, and intelligence ties to signal that U.S. dominance in its own region could be challenged. China, meanwhile, treated Venezuela as a long-term strategic investment, extending large loans backed by oil exports and embedding itself in the country’s infrastructure in exchange for political alignment. The result was a state of limited internal capacity but outsized geopolitical significance.
 
From Washington’s perspective, this situation was inherently unstable. Great powers may tolerate unfriendly governments abroad, but they rarely accept sustained rival penetration in areas they consider strategically proximate. The move against Maduro therefore resembles a contemporary assertion of hemispheric primacy—less an explicit revival of the Monroe Doctrine than its quiet enforcement under modern conditions. The message is not ideological, but positional: external powers are free to compete globally, but not without consequence in regions where U.S. military and logistical superiority remains overwhelming.
 
The implications for Russia are relatively straightforward. Venezuela offered Moscow a low-cost means of exerting pressure on the United States far from Europe, allowing it to signal global reach while avoiding direct confrontation. Removing that platform narrows Russia’s strategic options and reinforces an implicit boundary in the emerging international order. Ukraine may remain contested terrain, but Latin America does not. This does not decisively shift the global balance, but it forces Russia to concentrate its resources closer to home, where the costs of influence are higher.
 
For China, the episode carries a different lesson. Beijing’s approach to Venezuela was grounded in economic statecraft: capital, infrastructure, and long-term commodity access in exchange for political reliability. The sudden collapse of that arrangement underscores a persistent vulnerability in China’s overseas strategy. Economic leverage, absent security guarantees or decisive local legitimacy, remains exposed to regime change—particularly in regions where the United States retains unmatched coercive capacity. In practical terms, the event reinforces a reality Chinese policymakers already recognize: outside East Asia, political risk remains tightly bound to American power.
 
Donald Trump’s role in this episode is not incidental. His willingness to disregard diplomatic conventions and absorb international criticism lowered the political barriers to decisive action. Where a more traditional administration might have prioritized multilateral consensus or feared precedent-setting consequences, Trump’s approach emphasizes immediate leverage and demonstrable outcomes. Whether this style produces long-term stability is debatable, but it aligns with the prevailing logic of competitive explain the move.
 
None of this suggests the absence of risk. Venezuela’s political disruption carries consequences for regional stability, migration flows, and energy markets, and it invites asymmetric responses elsewhere. More broadly, such actions contribute to the erosion of constraints that once limited overt power projection. Yet these risks are increasingly treated as manageable costs rather than prohibitive barriers in a system where deterrence, signaling, and geographic advantage have regained prominence.
 
Seen in context, the removal of Maduro is less an outlier than part of a broader pattern. Russia asserts itself in its near abroad, China tests the limits of U.S. resolve in maritime Asia, and the United States reinforces its position in the Western Hemisphere. The language of a rules-based order remains, but practice is increasingly shaped by hierarchy and proximity. Influence is defended where it matters most, not where principles are easiest to articulate.
 
In that sense, the episode reflects a reversion rather than a rupture. It illustrates how major powers now act in a world where competition is no longer constrained by post–Cold War optimism. Whether this trend leads to greater stability or deeper fragmentation remains uncertain. What is clear is that power politics, long declared dormant, is once again setting the terms of international behavior.
 
John Wolf, January 4th 2026
 
Ph.D. Law and Security
Nova School of Law, Lisbon

The Accidental Tourist Act (para inglês ler)…

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Albufera serves as a lamentable example — the local council has produced a laundry list of behavioural recommendations aimed at hooligan tourists, most of them British. One is almost tempted to laugh. Yet, since we seem to be in a no-nonsense mood regarding the Foreigners’ Law, let us address seriously — and firmly — the issue of violence and public disorder committed by foreign holidaymakers. Turismo de Portugal (the bureau in charge of tourism) bears a share of responsibility for the dramatic decline in the quality of the country’s tourism offering — you get what you pay for, after all. The grandiose notion of exponentially multiplying the number of flip-flop-wearing tourists, cobbled together in a slapdash fashion, has landed Portugal in the grip of an illusion of easy profit. A mob of drunken delinquents — pardon the bluntness — descends upon the country, tarnishing what Portugal still (emphasis on still) has left to offer. Let’s not dither. Let us address the politically and economically inconvenient truth head-on. Broke the law? Got violent? Shouted abuse? Showed contempt for the country and its people? Simple. A registry ought to be created for the wayward tourist, who, depending on the severity of the offence, may lose the right to enter national territory, as per a clear framework of sanctions. If those Cockneys and company are in search of trouble, they’re welcome to parade down the streets of Brighton or Liverpool, chanting in their indecipherable accents. Enough. No more. And no — this is not the rhetoric of any particular political party. It’s common sense. It’s decency. And yes — it’s a wound.

photo credits: Metro News

 

Portugal not blowing in the wind

 

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In January of 2011 Bloomberg TV interviewed me for two long minutes from the beautiful Praça do Comércio square in Lisbon, to borrow my take on Portugal´s economic and social condition and the big event of that day – the sale of treasury bonds in the open market. There was some vague hope that the going rate would reflect Portugal´s financial and economic condition. However, that form of diagnosis would prove to be insufficient, albeit correct – the country was in serious trouble and favorable financial lending conditions just wouldn´t fit the bill, they would be insufficient to address deeper concerns. The socialist government eventually admitted the demise and signed the terms imposed by the Troika, in the process managing to get the support of the two other mainstream parties which form the coalition soon after put in place, following a stunning electoral defeat. Difficult times lay ahead for Portugal, but before I go any further, let me convey the following: ideologically it would make no difference who was in power or who held government – the problems were structural and long overdue. The coalition government of the social-democrats and the christian-democrats, that succeeded the socialist previously in power, not only received one rotten apple, but an overwhelming legacy of imbalances from previous decades. Portuguese European Economic Community (EEC) and European Union (EU) membership had brought an array of good things and change to a periphery country hindered by poverty for such a long time. Portugal can now boast the largest network of highways in Europe, but the easy money handed over by Brussels proved to be a temptation for gross government mismanagement and corruption. And there was more. The body of civil servants had already then for many years outgrown the capacity of a nation of ten million inhabitants, debt had flared up and the economy was unable to position itself in a competitive manner in the midst of a global scenario of transfer of wealth from West to East.

 

In 2012 Portugal started to implement the recipes from the Troika´s instruction manual. Unemployment rocketed as harsher fiscal measures forced companies to restructure the nature of their operations. The workers were the first to go and capital expenditure was brought to a halt. The reforms envisaged by the Troika had been implemented, but not to the degree demanded by the working class of Portugal. Street protests were staged in Lisbon and other important cities. Some issues did not go unnoticed by large swaths of the population, whatever their political inclination, either adepts of the Greek left-wing, inspired by the antics of Syriza, or subscribers of neo-liberal solutions put forth by Wall Street. In the years that followed, the privileges of politicians had hardly been tinkered with and banks in dire straits were receiving preferential treatment at the expense of taxpayers. Those unemployed and those that had fallen out of the social security network did not take this lightly. Portugal was fulfilling the promises made to the Troika bosses, but its people were suffering. One wonders if there was a better choice, an alternative. The situation had become economically and socially distressing, and as members of the European Monetary Union, currency devaluation had become an impossibility, a myth – the Euro for good and for bad. Portugal needed urgently to raise cash for treasury needs and International Monetary Fund installments, so the privatization of state-owned companies was the route to take, which led to a fierce proto-nationalist discussion on the loss of economic sovereignty. Many of the politically motivated arguments were fished from historic considerations, a by-product of the Pink Carnation Revolution of 1974 that overthrew 48 years of Salazar dictatorship. Sadly enough, Portugal still tends to cling onto concepts of the past when it must jump-start a totally different political approach. Portugal has been held in the ideological straightjacket of the discussion between the Left and Right wings of the political spectrum and has difficulty in thinking beyond the old fashioned paradigm.

 

Presently Portugal is to be found at the perilous crossroad of geopolitical and economic events. One could argue that the country has already hit the bottom and that the economic and social situation is slowly turning around. Recently unemployment data was disclosed and the number presented was slightly favorable: 12.2%, although the parties in the opposition do not concur, even if the numbers are official. One may even consider that Portugal seems to have entered a period that would be best described as a “cautious recovery”, but always bearing in mind some important caveats and unpredictable risks. One may ask which factors have most likely contributed to a GDP uptick in the last quarters, although any reply must take into account not only quantifiable vectors, but dimensions that relate to the macro-social mood and the confidence in the future felt by the people. In financial and economic terms, we may state that the positive impacts result from revenues from tax collection, the elimination or downsizing of public sector services, the optimization of production units in the private sector, the increment of the export of goods and services where Portugal already had a stronghold, the general lending environment with interest rates close to zero, the intervention of the European Central Bank that acted as the “replacement buyer” of Portuguese treasuries, and one other discretionary vector that has yet to be fully understood or accepted as such – the direct transfers of funds of Portuguese emigrant workers that left their country in order to provide for their families. All this must be part of the mix that explains a possible turning point. However, one must add one other dimension that suffers the volatility of seasonality. Tourism has hit record figures in 2014, and 2015 will most certainly replicate or even surpass the previous good results. As such, Portugal must be identified as a tourism-based economy with a number of satellite sectors that operate in specialized niche areas. A country at the forefront of technology, with skilled workers and unhindered by radical or extreme political phenomena that afflict other nations. Portugal must continue its path of economic consolidation and slowly commit itself to innovate its political matrix. One could argue that Portugal´s leaders have been its worst enemy, but the following analysis must be kept in mind; the collective nature of its Portuguese society has yet to flourish, in the sense that excludes the damaging culture of traffic of influence, special connections and corruption. The political forces in Portugal are to be held responsible for the destiny of this nation, but its people must develop the conventional wisdom that the future lays in its hands. In that line of considerations, one may state that Portugal is a divided nation. The up and coming elections of October 4th will most likely reflect the mixed assessment of voters. We may identify those that believe that Austerity has worked and that a return to a socialist led government would mean a reversal of what was achieved, and on the other hand, those battered by unemployment and difficult living conditions, are probably more inclined to punish the government for the past 4 years of imposing rules. A clear-cut winning scenario seems to be out of the question. And that may not be what Portugal needs most – a mandate to finish business and move along.

 

Portugal must also cross its fingers and hope that Greece doesn´t derail itself, that China doesn´t catch a serious cold, or that Russia does not drag the western nations into some wide-scale European conflict. A combination, of all or most of those, paradoxically, might give Portugal the chance to do what it historically does best: sit on a fence and ride the winds.

 

So, quite literally, Portugal depends on itself as much as it may blow in the wind…

 

  • article written in english per request by an international think-tank. To be also published in German.

 

 

Welcome to Europe!!!

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“You, as a whole-hearted european citizen, invoking Solidarity and Democracy, Human dignity and Ethics, are simultaneously a Juncker and a Tsipras – both were born out of your endeavours and shortcomings, desires and aspirations. To be entirely honest: you, as an individual committed to the construction of the European Union, are responsible for the creation of the beast you must now deal with. This is not the time to take sides. This is not the time to be a cynic one-sider and ideological hardliner. You are responsible for the current state of affairs. You are a socialist, a capitalist, a neo-liberal, a communist, a catholic and a muslim, a moderate and an extremist. You are a european. And this is Europe.”

 

John Wolf

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De partida para Inglaterra

 

Depois de alguns anos a almejar este objectivo, iniciarei dentro de poucos dias o doutoramento em Politics, na Universidade de Durham, Inglaterra, dedicado à temática “The spontaneous order and the role of tradition in classical liberalism in face of modern rationalism and post-modern relativism”. Sentindo-me, neste momento, a fechar um capítulo de vida e a abrir outro, sou compelido, pelas exigências académicas, a um certo isolamento de que cada vez mais careço para poder melhor reflectir. Ademais, muitas leituras há a fazer para colmatar a minha ignorância em várias matérias, embora tenha noção que acabarei por a aprofundar. Continuarei a andar por aqui e pelo Facebook, mas deixarei de ter a mesma disponibilidade mental e temporal para a blogosfera e para o comentário político à espuma dos dias. A busca pelo conhecimento e a dedicação às verdades eternas assim o exigem.  

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